Viktor Orbán's Hungary: Corruption, Repression, & Democratic Backsliding
Viktor Orbán, the Prime Minister of Hungary, speaks at a campaign rally in Szekesfehervar, Hungary, April 1st, 2022. Marton Monus via REUTERS.
By Abby Poprocki ‘28
In 2019, the annual Freedom House Report rated Hungary as “partly free” as opposed to “free” for the first time. That transition was a step in the steady and ongoing decline of political and civil liberties in Hungary since Viktor Orbán came to power as Prime Minister in 2010. A dangerously intelligent and charismatic leader, Orbán has limited the voice of opposition groups and NGOs, passed anti-immigration laws, curbed the freedom of the press and educational institutions, reduced governmental transparency, and aligned himself with Russian President Vladimir Putin in recent years. As his reign continues, Hungary, Europe, and the rest of the world face threatening consequences.
Orbán’s Rise to Power
Ironically, Viktor Orbán first gained popularity by championing democratic ideals. In the face of the Soviet Union’s desperate last attempts to spread communism in the late 1980s, he delivered a speech that would kickstart his political career in which he called for an independent Hungary with free elections. He also founded the Fidesz movement, also known as the Alliance of Young Democrats, which would go on to become his party. After his speech, Orbán, a university student at the time, abandoned his studies to successfully campaign for Fidesz in the 1990 elections.
Orbán became the leader of Fidesz in 1993 and began to push the party towards populist conservatism. Despite this, he was elected to the seat of Prime Minister in 1998 and propelled the country to join NATO in 1999. Unfortunately for the young Prime Minister, Orbán was defeated in the 2002 and 2006 elections. He spent those years building his public image, creating a cult of personality around himself as a man of the people. During a toxic mine leak in 2010, for example, the media praised him for joining emergency forces in stacking sandbags. Ultimately, he was able to use the economic crisis in 2010 to propel himself back into power with promises of quick financial turnaround and definitive popular support.
But despite his promises of a better Hungary, Orbán has maintained a tight grip on power since his election in 2010 and slowly reversed the democratic gains made since Hungary’s break with the Soviet Union in 1991. Now, Hungary is the only previously liberal democracy in the EU that has returned to a status of a “hybrid regime” or “illiberal democracy,” a government somewhere between democracy and authoritarianism.
Characteristics of Hungary’s “Illiberal Democracy”
In its 2023 report, Transparency International gave Hungary a score of 42/100 in its Corruption Perceptions index, a drop of 14 points compared to 2012. Hungary has thus experienced a clear increase in corruption during Orbán’s rule, largely due to encroachments on judicial independence and falling public trust in governmental institutions. There is a lack of enforcement regarding Hungary’s criminal code, leaving room for political bribes in both the legislative and judicial spheres. Orbán has also appointed loyalists to the Constitutional Court, eliminating dissenting opinions, and passed a constitutional amendment to limit the Court’s powers for good measure.
The corruption extends beyond changes to Hungary’s judiciary. The police have begun conducting investigations into NGOs, effectively driving human rights and fair elections groups out of the country and removing their voices as checks against the government’s power. Even more concerning, the nation’s Parliament passed a law in 2020 giving Orbán the ability to rule by decree. Initially, the law was meant to allow for quick action during the COVID-19 pandemic but has been extended an additional six months as of November 2024 due to the ongoing war in Ukraine. It appears unlikely that Orbán will lose his ability to rule by decree anytime in the foreseeable future.
The authoritarian tendencies extend into the political and social rights of Hungarian citizens. The government no longer guarantees basic rights such as freedom of the press, assembly, or religion, and it fails to protect minority rights. In 2023, police used tear gas against students protesting the centralization of public education, and teachers were fired for voicing dissent against the government. Orbán’s regime has failed to intervene on behalf of Hungary’s Roma minority, who have been a target of harassment and discrimination, and banned LGBTQ representation in the media. With regard to the press, monetary incentives are offered for pro-Orbán outlets, the government has claimed control over public broadcast networks, and journalists and editors who fail to stick to the Fidesz party line are fired.
Finally, Orbán has used his position to remove the level playing field in Hungarian elections. Through a series of laws remapping voting districts, which have extended voting rights to Fidesz supporters abroad and limited the campaigns of opposing parties, the regime has destroyed the heart of the democratic system—free and fair elections. The combination of corruption, election interference, absence of judicial freedom, and lack of basic rights is a dangerous one for Hungary. Orbán continues to demonstrate his lack of respect for rule of law and his desire for unlimited power. It is likely Hungary will slide into an indisputably authoritarian regime if Orbán remains able to do as he pleases.
Recent Challenges to Orbán’s Rule
In the 2024 European Parliament elections, Orbán and the Fidesz party faced its largest challenge in recent years. Though it received a plurality of votes, Fidesz lost two seats to challengers in a demonstration of failing trust in Viktor Orbán and his party. Due to recent scandals involving Fidesz officials and an economic downturn, politician Péter Magyar has been able to form a strong and more moderate opposition party, TISZA, to challenge Fidesz. He has called out the current corruption and lack of free media, resonating with citizens eager for change. It is expected that Péter Magyar will run against Orbán in the 2026 Hungarian election.
Implications for the EU
The EU intervened too little and too late during Hungary’s decline into authoritarianism. The European Parliament waited until 2018 to enact Article 7 of the Lisbon Treaty, which designates a nation as breaching the fundamental values of the EU such as rule of law, democracy, and human rights. Even then, the actions behind the words of Article 7, namely sanctions and suspension of voting rights in the European Parliament, have been frozen for years. Similarly, the European Commission’s reports on the dire state of rule of law in the country have been consistently dismissed by the Hungarian government, and its suspension of payments from the Cohesion Fund in 2022 did nothing to slow Hungary’s democratic decline.
The EU’s inability to prevent democratic backsliding in a member state has concerning implications for its shared future. Hungary may be the first EU state to devolve into authoritarianism, but it sets a precedent for other nations that a shift away from free elections, protection of rights, and rule of law will not be vigorously challenged. Consequently, the foundation of the EU—its shared democratic values—is under attack. It is imperative that the EU and the international community take a stronger stance against Hungary’s nationalism and democratic backsliding if they wish to prevent a continued trend towards authoritarianism in Europe.